Language Evolution and Computation Bibliography

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Robert Daland
2011
Cognitive Science 35(1):119--155, 2011
This paper reconsiders the diphone-based word segmentation model of Cairns, Shillcock, Chater, and Levy (1997) and Hockema (2006), previously thought to be unlearnable. A statistically principled learning model is developed using Bayes theorem and reasonable assumptions about ...MORE ⇓
This paper reconsiders the diphone-based word segmentation model of Cairns, Shillcock, Chater, and Levy (1997) and Hockema (2006), previously thought to be unlearnable. A statistically principled learning model is developed using Bayes theorem and reasonable assumptions about infants implicit knowledge. The ability to recover phrase-medial word boundaries is tested using phonetic corpora derived from spontaneous interactions with children and adults. The (unsupervised and semi-supervised) learning models are shown to exhibit several crucial properties. First, only a small amount of language exposure is required to achieve the model's ceiling performance, equivalent to between 1day and 1month of caregiver input. Second, the models are robust to variation, both in the free parameter and the input representation. Finally, both the learning and baseline models exhibit undersegmentation, argued to have significant ramifications for speech processing as a whole.
2007
Much ado about nothing: A social network model of Russian paradigmatic gapsPDF
Proceedings of the 45th Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics, pages 936-943, 2007
A number of Russian verbs lack 1sg non-past forms. These paradigmatic gaps are puzzling because they seemingly contradict the highly productive nature of inflectional systems. We model the persistence and spread of Russian gaps via a multi-agent model with Bayesian learning. We ...MORE ⇓
A number of Russian verbs lack 1sg non-past forms. These paradigmatic gaps are puzzling because they seemingly contradict the highly productive nature of inflectional systems. We model the persistence and spread of Russian gaps via a multi-agent model with Bayesian learning. We ran three simulations: no grammar learning, learning with arbitrary analogical pressure, and morphophonologically conditioned learning. We compare the results to the attested historical development of the gaps. Contradicting previous accounts, we propose that the persistence of gaps can be explained in the absence of synchronic competition between forms.